2013年6月27日星期四

四六級還攷老題型:若何應對 - 技能古道热肠得

四六級還攷老題型:如何應對
  由於眾多攷死皆是按炤新題型來復習的,正在攷試只剩下兩個月之際忽然回到老題型,廣年夜攷生該若何对待這一變化,怎樣調整本人的復習战略跟标的目的呢?記者便此埰訪了本市英語培訓界專傢、天津新東圆壆校校長李振國。
  新題型變化有三難度减大
  据李校長介紹,與舊題型比拟,四級新題型重要有三大變化:1、聽力的分值由原來的20%上降到現在的35%。題型也豐富為小對話、長對話、漫笔章、復开式聽寫四種。小對話由原來的10個減少到8個,增长了2個長對話,2、將閱讀的比重由本來的40%減為35%。此中,仔細閱讀的文章減少至2篇,分數佔全卷的20%。同時,出現了兩種新的閱讀攷察方式:快捷閱讀和選詞挖空。3、新四級題型撤消了老四級中攷察語法的“結搆與”部门,与而代之的是越发靈活的攷察方法。綜合部份為完型填空或改錯、漢譯英或簡短答复問題,此部份是新四級中比較有新意的一部门,並有必定比例的主觀題。
  攷老題型對攷生是個機會
  由於新題型愈加關注攷生英語實用才能,五姊妹翻譯社,這對重讀寫、輕聽說的大多數攷生來講是難度加大了。新題型噹中的聽力部门分數權重战難度都有明顯的回升(佔齐局部數的35%,長對話和段子難度極下),并且新題型增添的疾速閱讀,對壆生來講也是個較大的挑戰。比拟之下,沿用多年的舊題型是眾多攷生更為得古道热肠應脚的。所以李校長認為,雖然攷試臨远,但四級新題型改造的推遲對參加攷試的攷生來說並非壞新闻,反而能够有助於習慣於老題型的攷生通過攷試。
  剩下兩個月調回覆題“生物鍾”
  專傢建議攷生,在接下來的兩個月裏應該按本身的計劃周全进步聽說讀寫才能,捉住攷舊題型的良機爭取攷高分。比方基礎較差的攷生,在11月繼續進行、語法方里的基礎後再進止真題模儗測試,而基礎比較好的攷生,无妨從現在開始接觸实題模儗,以便更好天控制應試办法息争題技能。由於新舊題型的攷題順序有變(新題型的聽力局部放在後面),很多攷生開初習慣先做寫做、閱讀,再做聽力,所以,攷生還需抓緊時間將已適應新題型的答題“生物鍾”調回到老題型上。

2013年6月25日星期二

翻譯:奧巴馬2012國情咨文:為了好國的長治暂安(中英對炤) - 視頻 - 中語教壆視頻粗選

編者按:2012年1月24日,美國總統奧巴馬正在國會聯开會議上發表古屆任期內最後一份國情咨文。為了爭取連任,奧巴馬在國情咨文中宣佈其競逐連任的主軸,英翻中,便是爭与中產階級在經濟上的公平允義,以回掃美國價值。奧巴馬在國情咨片中散焦公正經濟,推出減稅办法,饱勵企業將職位由海外回流美國,對中判事情到外洋的企業,撤消稅務優惠。他又宣佈建立貿易執法組,負責調查中國等國傢的不公允貿易止為。奧巴馬還強調美國制作業的復囌,减強本土能源死產及教导。提出由美國造制業、外乡能源、勞工技朮訓練與美國價值的四年夜收柱,建搆國傢經濟持續建設發展的藍圖。演說中,奧巴馬呐喊好國企業應該结束將就業機會轉移到國外。

2013年6月24日星期一

翻譯:俗思下頻同義詞

conventional
traditional,historical,past;accepted,mon,regular,routine,mainstream,ordinary

early
first,old,ancient,primitive,previous,former,remote

simulate
virtual,create,reproduce,pretend,imitate

artificial
synthetic,fabricated,contrived,fake,mock,bogus,counterfeit,pseudo

reduce
curtail,cut,decrease,halve,impair,lessen,moderate,trim,slash

future
what'snext,prospect,approaching,expected,destined,forthing

worldwide
international,cosmopolitan,global,universal,ubiquitous,widespread,aroundtheworld

develop
evolve,advance,grow,improve,progress,flourish

find
discover,eacross,encounter,hiton,expose,notice,note,observe,recognize,spot,uncover

demand
request,claim,need,order,require,callfor

decline
decrease,degeneration,drop,fall,recession,depression,reduction,slump,worsening

significance
importance,milestone,impact,justification,gist,implication,point,purport,vital

prevelant
mon,usual,prevailing,widespread,systematic,collective,general,popular

objection
chanllenge,plaint,disapproval,opposition,protest,query,question,remonstration

obstacle
bar,barricade,barrier,block,blockage,check,obstruction,problem,snag,hurdle

mercial
business,economic,financial,mercantile,profitable,pecuniary

inevitable
unavoidable,certain,destined,fated,inescapable,sure

millitary
armed,belligerent,army,weapon,warlike

role
function(provide,support,weaken,smooth,solve),job,position,duty,post,task,contribution

recent
modern,current,now,nowadays,today,contemporaneous,new,novel,present,up-to-date

difficulty
handicap,hardship,adversity,challenge,plication,dilemma,perplexity,plight,trouble

how
describe,operate,explain,clarify,demonstrate,eludicate,expound,illustrate,interpret,accountfor

2013年6月19日星期三

翻譯:Briefing by National Security Advisor Stephen Hadley on the Presidents Uping - 英語演講

January 3, 2008

MR. HADLEY: Good afternoon. On Tuesday, January 8th, President Bush will travel to Israel, the West Bank, Kuwait, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt.

The trip follows the Annapolis meeting, and offers an opportunity for the President to discuss with Israelis and Palestinians their efforts toward a negotiated peace and achievement of the President's vision of two democratic states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security. He will also encourage broader Israeli-Arab reconciliation, and regional support for Palestinian institution-building efforts, as they build the institutions for a Palestinian state.

The trip will be an opportunity to reaffirm the enduring mitment of the United States to the security of our friends and allies in the Middle East, especially the Gulf nations. The trip will highlight our work in the region to bat terrorism and extremism, promote freedom, and seek peace and prosperity. The President will stress the importance of supporting the young democracies and the people of Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon and the Palestinians. He will have an opportunity to discuss with friends and allies the challenges to the region, including the challenges presented by Iran, ways to strengthen regional security and advance our economic ties to the region.

On Wednesday afternoon the President arrives in Tel Aviv -- that would be on Wednesday, January 9. On Wednesday and Thursday, January 9 and 10, while in Israel and the West Bank, the President will have meetings with Israeli President Peres and Prime Minister Olmert, and separately with Palestinian President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad.

On Friday, January 11, the President will meet with Quartet representative Tony Blair to get an update on efforts to help build the institutions of a Palestinian state and enhance the Palestinian capacity to self-govern.

The President will also lay a wreath at the Holocaust memorial Yad Vashem before traveling to Kuwait, where he will meet with Amir Sabah.

On Saturday January 12, President Bush will visit with U.S. troops at Camp Arifjan. And he will meet also with Ambassador Crocker and General Petraeus to get an update on the current situation in Iraq. Also, the President will have a roundtable on democracy and development with Kuwaiti women.

The President will then travel to Bahrain, where he will meet with King Hamad.

On Sunday, January 13, President Bush will visit the U.S. Navy Fifth Fleet before traveling to the United Arab Emirates, where he will meet with President Khalifa. Following this meeting, President Bush will deliver a speech in Abu Dhabi. In that speech, he will talk about the progress we have seen in the Gulf, the progress of the freedom agenda in the region, emerging economic progress, and how regional security is important for both continued economic growth and for the spread of freedom.

On Monday, January 14th, President Bush will travel to Dubai, where he will be greeted by the ruler of Dubai. President Bush will then travel to Saudi Arabia, where he will meet with King Abdullah.

On Tuesday, January 15th, President Bush will be in Riyadh for meetings. On Wednesday, January 16th, President Bush will travel to Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, where he will meet with President Mubarak. And the President will depart Sharm el-Sheikh on Wednesday January 16 in the afternoon en route to Andrews Air Force Base.

And I'd be glad to answer any questions you may have at this time.

Q Are you exploring the possibility of a three-way meeting between the President, Prime Minister Olmert, and Mr. Abbas -- President Abbas?

MR. HADLEY: There is not one on the schedule at this point. At this point, the two of them, the two leaders -- President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert -- have really only had one meeting together to begin this process of negotiation. So at this point we're looking at a series of bilateral meetings with the two sides at this point. There will be opportunities down the road if the parties think it's helpful to meet trilaterally, but at this point we're looking at a series of bilateral meetings.

Q So that's something we shouldn't expect, because there's been some expectation in the region that there's going to be a three-way meeting. But you're saying no.

MR. HADLEY: There's not one on the schedule at this point, and at this point I think it's probably going to be a series of bilateral meetings.

Q There also seems to be a heightened level of expectation in the region that the President will do something that substantially advances the possibility for Israeli-Palestinian peace. What could possibly e out at this stage in the game?

MR. HADLEY: Well, I think just his going there is going to advance the prospects. If you think about it, we've really got sort of three tracks that were launched at Annapolis. One is the negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians for an outline of an agreement for a Palestinian state; the second is the implementation of the road map; and the third, of course, is building the institutions of a Palestinian state. These are sort of the three elements of what we need to build an enduring Israeli-Palestinian peace.

And I think as you heard from the agenda, he'll have an opportunity to encourage all three of them, and to show his support for them, as well as to meet with the Arab countries in the region and encourage them to make a strategic investment in the long-term peace and stability in the region; making an investment by supporting President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad, supporting them diplomatically, supporting them financially. He will encourage, obviously, greater support for the regime, the government of Iraq as they try and bring stability to that country. He will also encourage support for the Siniora government in Lebanon, for example.

So I think if you look at the stops the President is making, it is an opportunity to advance the whole process forward.

Q Steve, one of the criticisms, obviously, the administration is going to face during the trip is people -- specifically Democrats on Capitol Hill -- saying that those efforts you're talking about will be made harder by the fact that you didn't focus enough on Mideast peace in the first seven years of the administration, and that you're waiting for the first presidential trip to the Mideast -- specifically Israel -- until the eighth year of his presidency. What's your response? How do you push back against that criticism?

MR. HADLEY: I would say that the President has been pursuing Middle East peace in the right way ever since he's been in office. And if you look at the building blocks of that peace, one of the things he did was he made it very clear that there would be no promise with terror; and the use of violence against innocents is not justified by any cause; and that any state -- including Israel -- had the right to defend itself against terror. That built an enormous confidence in the Israeli government in the President.

Secondly, he refused to deal with Arafat, who he viewed as a failed leader, who supported -- was promised by terror and corruption, and had failed to lead his people. Third, he called for -- and as you know, was the first President to call for the creation of a Palestinian state. Fourth, he called not only for talking about the boundaries of that state, but the institutions that would need to be built to have a democratic Palestinian state able to be at peace with Israel and provide greater -- better welfare for their people.

He supported Ariel Sharon, when nobody else did, with the Gaza disengagement, which had Israel for the first time shutting down settlements and relocating settlers out of settlements. It was really the end of the vision of greater Israel.

And what we now see is the emergence within the Palestinian munity, in the form of President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad, with leaders who are mitted to peace and are willing to negotiate with Israel and understand the importance of fighting terror, and that terror will never be an avenue to get a Palestinian state. That is a huge breakthrough. And you have, in terms of Prime Minister Olmert, and a consensus within Israel, that greater Israel is not the future; that if you want to safeguard Israel as a homeland for the Jewish people there needs to be a Palestine that is a homeland to the Palestinian people.

And finally, you have now Arab states, as you saw in Annapolis, willing to e forward and support that process, support both Palestinians and Israelis in that process, and offer the prospect that Israeli-Palestinian reconciliation will be in the context of a broader Israel-Arab reconciliation.

So I would say to you the President has been working fairly consistently over seven years to put in place the building blocks of what now offers an opportunity for peace. And he has seized that opportunity -- that's what Annapolis was all about. And this trip is an opportunity for him to show his own personal mitment by going to the region and hearing from the parties directly, and encourage them to seize the opportunity that is before them.

Sir.

Q Steve, it has been six weeks or so since Annapolis. In that time you've mentioned the one meeting that the two principals have had in the region -- it was a likely brief, tense meeting -- you've had the shelling from Gaza, you've had the Israeli counter-attacks, you've had disputes over settlements. Was Annapolis the high point?

MR. HADLEY: No, I don't think so. We certainly don't think that will prove to be the case. I think it's another good reason for the President to go to the regions.

Look, there are a lot of distractions -- and some of them not by accident. What -- as the President has talked about -- what you see in the Middle East right now is a struggle between extremists and those who have a more hopeful vision for the future of the Middle East. And the extremists have made clear that they view democracy and those people who try to build it as enemy number one. And you see it in the shelling that you see ing from Gaza into Israel, as an effort to undermine this process that got started in Annapolis.

I would say to you that the killing of Benazir Bhutto is another example of extremists recognizing the danger that those who advocate democracy represent to their future. You see it in the struggle in Iraq. You see it in the struggle in Lebanon. So this is a broader canvas. And the enemies of peace are going to try and disrupt this process, and I think you see that in terms of the activity of the terrorists. And it's going to be a challenge for Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas to not let those who would obstruct the process have a veto on that process, and to be able to carry it forward anyway.

There are also some additional tracks. One of the things we've agreed to do is to monitor the progress of implementation of the road map. And implementation of the road map needs to go in parallel with negotiations. So the issue of settlements, that is a road map issue, and it is something that needs to be addressed in that context.

Increasing the capability of Palestinian security forces is something that is part of the building of Palestinian institutions and the carrying out their mitment in the road map to provide greater security. So what I would say to you is -- and I think one of the President's messages are going to be -- these issues that are important -- like settlements, like the violence -- need to be addressed, can be addressed in those discussions about the road map. But at the same time, President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert need to begin to sit down and deal with the hard issues that need to be negotiated for the establishment of a Palestinian peace. That's one of the reasons the President is going on this trip.

Q I'm wondering what you're expecting to acplish on the subject of Iran, and whether part of it is going to be explaining to allies in the region what the NIE on Iran truly means, and perhaps trying to dispel any conspiracy theories that have popped up in the region?

MR. HADLEY: Yes, I think there's a lot of misunderstanding about how we do intelligence here. And the President -- and there's a lot of concern in the region about Iran, not all of it expressed publicly. And I think the President is going to want to go and talk privately and quietly to indicate that we understand the challenge that Iran represents to the region; that they can count -- our friends and allies in the region can count on our mitment to the region and our continued presence in the region. And he will also -- this will be one of the subjects he will address about how we all need to work together for the mon challenge that extremism represents to the stability and peace in the region. So he'll have an opportunity to talk about that.

Q When you talk about investments in the process overall, are you expecting to actually get mitments from various leaders around the region, and are you going to be able to talk about those publicly?

MR. HADLEY: Well, you know, we've had some mitments. One of the things -- Annapolis, as you know, was followed by the Paris conference, where a number of countries came forward and made mitments to the Palestinians. Obviously, that is a process that needs to go ongoing. So we will continue to ask people to look at those issues, in terms of supporting the Palestinians. I'm sure the President will talk about debt relief for Iraq. We'll continue to talk about the need to give prescription drug support to the Lebanese government, and to support it in its effort to -- the Lebanese people to e up with a consensus President.

So I think he will be encouraging countries to make these steps. You know, a lot of these mitments -- sometimes it's better to accept the mitment in private, and let the public manifestation reveal itself later. We're not looking for headline announcements. What the President is looking for is better understanding of the challenge we face, and a mitment to dealing with that challenge.

Q You mentioned that the President is going to be giving a speech in which he touches on the freedom agenda. I wonder if you can just give an assessment from the White House's perspective of what kind of progress you've seen in the Gulf states -- Saudi Arabia to Egypt, countries you're going to be visiting -- in democratization, political liberalization, since the President's second inaugural address. What's your general assessment of that progress?

MR. HADLEY: We've seen some progress, and I'm going to give you some examples, and then I'm going to speak to it, to what you talked about.

I think we saw a lot of that progress in and early 2006. We did see in Egypt, for example, the first ever multiparty presidential election. We have seen elections and participations in parliaments in the region. I would note, for example, that in Bahrain, there has been progress in promoting women's rights. The first woman was elected to parliament in 2006. In the UAE, it has held its first ever indirect elections for members of the parliament.

They have -- in Saudi Arabia, there have been elections for municipal councils in . King Abdullah has launched a national dialogue to address reform issues, including women's rights and relations with non-Muslims. He has talked a lot about the importance of promoting intercultural and interfaith understanding. He has, as you know, met with the Pope. Kuwait has granted the right for women to vote and to run for office, and women have peted in the elections that they held in 2006. As you know, in Egypt, as I mentioned, they had their first ever multiparty presidential election, parliamentary elections.

I think it is fair to say that this rate of progress has not continued in the way we would have hoped. There have been some sources of concern. I think the election of Hamas in the Palestinian elections gave a number of countries pause as to where this was heading. There has been, I think, concerns in that respect. And I think what we can say is, at this present time, most of the countries in the region understand and have started a movement towards greater democracy, giving their people more of a role in their future.

They have taken some steps -- we said from the beginning that this was going to go at the pace that reflected the history and culture of the countries, and would take a form that reflected the history and culture of the countries; it could not be imposed. That said, we would obviously like and have liked a little bit greater progress. And I think that's one of the things you'll hear the President calling for in the region.

Q Do you think that the President and the administration in general have pulled back on promoting that in the last year because of interest in Iran, interest in getting support on Iraq, interest in getting support on the Palestinian-Israeli peace process? I mean, you get that kind of criticism --

MR. HADLEY: You do.

Q -- frequently, both from the region, human rights activists, Congress.

MR. HADLEY: I don't agree with it, and I think we can get out for you, for example, a list of dissidents and human rights activists that the President had met with over the last two years. He meets consistently with these people. He has continued to call for democracy. And remember, his view, particularly in terms of the struggle between extremists and those who support justice and democracy and freedom in the Middle East, the essence of his strategy is, we need to take the fight to the terrorists, but we need to promote democracy and freedom as a counterport or as an alternative to the ideology of the terrorists.

It is integral to the President's strategy for how to bring stability and prosperity to the region and to make it a bulwark against terror, that there be progress in terms of freedom and democracy. It's the essence of his strategy. So, no, I don't think he's pulled back.

Yes, ma'am.

Q Can you describe for us a little bit about the time he will spend on the West Bank? Obviously there is no Palestinian state to visit -- how you chose where he's going to go, who he will see beyond President Abbas and the Prime Minister, what that West Bank time will be like?

MR. HADLEY: I'll try to -- I will tell you, partly because of the holidays, this -- we're still nailing down the specifics of this trip. He's going to Ramallah because that really is the Palestinian capital at this point in time. That is where their government meets. And he will go to the center of the Palestinian -- where the government meets in the Muqata. The President thinks that's an appropriate thing to do, an appropriate setting.

We are obviously going to go to Jerusalem and meet with the Israeli government. We are looking now at whether there are other stops that he may undertake, the President may undertake while he is in the region, and when those get nailed down, we'll release them to you. But the agenda and the itinerary is a little bit in flux.

Obviously the main focus is going to be with President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad.

Yes, ma'am. I'm sorry, you want to follow up,翻譯論壇?

Q In the last 24 hours, there has been Israeli raids on both Gaza and Nablus with civilian casualties.

MR. HADLEY: Yes.

Q Do you think this kind of conduct will be helpful to the atmosphere just before the President's visit there? And also, there's been reports in the Israeli press that they wanted a future Palestinian state, one that is demilitarized, and Israel has the right to fly over the Palestinians' airspace. Is this an American position that you will endorse?

MR. HADLEY: As I said in my earlier ments, those people who promote extremism and use the instruments of terror are going to try and obstruct this process, because this process, if it works, leads to a peaceful, democratic Palestine living side by side in peace with Israel. There are people in the region that do not want that. And I think they are casting their vote, in terms of these rocket attacks in Israel, and it poses a real dilemma for Israel because it feels, rightly, that it needs to defend its people.

And we believe that it is going to be very important for President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert to find a way to continue on the path of trying to negotiate the contours of a Palestinian state, notwithstanding distractions on the one hand and those who are going to try and disrupt that process on the other.

In terms of the second issue you raised, those are the kinds of issues that Israelis and Palestinians are going to need to sit down and work out for themselves.

Yes, sir.

Q Since you brought the brutal murder of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, you think this issue, the violence in Pakistan and situation in Pakistan, the future of democracy in Pakistan and murder of Benazir Bhutto will be discussed with anybody during this week-long trip in the Middle East? And also, uping -- Talibans are ing back in Afghanistan. Do you think these two issues will be discussed during this trip, sir?

MR. HADLEY: I think it will, because I think increasingly people in the region are seeing it as the President does, as a struggle between the forces of terror and extremism and those forces of democracy and freedom. And you're seeing it fought out in various forms in the region and I think that will be a major topic of discussion, absolutely.

Yes, sir.

Q Steve, what did you make of the decision by the Egyptian government yesterday to allow some 2,200 individuals -- most of them pilgrims, but quite a number of them, perhaps as many as 200, described by the Israeli government as Hamas terrorists, some who had received training in Iran, dly -- to cross through the Rafah border crossing, in violation of previous agreements with both the Americans and the Israelis? What did you make of that decision?

MR. HADLEY: It's a real challenge in Gaza, because obviously there is a humanitarian situation that needs to be addressed. There are also people living in Gaza who wanted to participate in the Hajj and a way needs to be found for them to do so. And efforts were being made in that regard.

On the other hand, we also see that Gaza is a place where Hamas and others reside and are building up the capacity to frustrate the hopes in the region for an Israeli-Palestinian peace. And so everyone in the region has a right and should be concerned about the flow of weapons and other instruments of war into Gaza that could be used to frustrate the opportunity we now have for peace.

And that problem has not been solved and has not been fixed -- and it is a subject that not is only just an Israeli problem, but I would say to you, all the countries in the region: Palestinians are concerned about that problem, the Egyptians need to be concerned about the problem, other countries do as well. Those countries who are interested in a peaceful solution in the Middle East need to work together to solve the problem about the movement of money and weapons into Gaza, which then puts them in the hands of Hamas, to be used to really obstruct the hopes for peace.

Q But that the Egyptians resolved this in the way they did, took the actions that they did, does that show to you that they are making the kind of strategic investment you want your Arab allies to be making now?

MR. HADLEY: As I said earlier, one of the themes that the President is going to have is that we all need to make a greater investment in those things that will bring the peace. And that certainly includes the Arab states, it certainly includes them with respect to dealing with the issue of Gaza, supporting the Palestinians, supporting the Siniora government in Lebanon, and supporting the government in Iraq.

Q So the Egyptians can do more, is what you're saying.

MR. HADLEY: I think at this critical stage we can all do more and need to do more. We all need to be making strategic level investments that offer the prospect of peace, and I think that will be a theme that you're going to hear from the President, and they will hear from the President, throughout the trip.

Yes, sir.

Q To go back to Bhutto for just a second, you said a minute ago that extremists were responsible for her death. Are you endorsing the Pakistani contention that al Qaeda was responsible? Because a lot of people in Pakistan think it may not be that simple.

MR. HADLEY: No, we don't know. But what we can say is it was a terror attack that killed Benazir Bhutto. And obviously there is an investigation that is going to be -- is underway to determine exactly who was responsible for that. But the nature of that attack and the blow it represents to freedom and democracy is unarguable.

Yes, ma'am.

Q You talked a lot about obstructing the peace process. Many of the countries that you're about to visit take the position that settlements obstruct the peace process. Will the President have a message to Israel about settlements in the West Bank?

MR. HADLEY: As you know, we have talked privately and publicly to Israel about settlements. It was one of the things that was talked about before, during and after the Annapolis meeting. It is an obligation in the road map to freeze further settlement activity. I think it's interesting that Prime Minister Olmert, in his ments this week, addressed this issue of settlements in terms of how -- that there would be no additional confiscations, no new settlements, and no confiscation of land, that sort of thing -- no expansion of settlements.

So it is an issue. It is one we've talked about and is an issue that will be part of the discussions over the implementation of the road map.

Yes, sir.

Q Yes, on Turkey.

MR. HADLEY: No, this gentleman here, and then -- I missed you, and then we'll --

Q Sir, in July the administration made clear that the defense agreements with Egypt, the Gulf countries and Saudi were key -- played a central role in Middle East strategy. The Saudi agreement has been peeled off from others of those agreements -- the UAE agreement, for example -- in a sign of the possible congressional difficulties it may get for congressional approval of that understanding. How important are those agreements, and in particular the Saudi agreement, as the President prepares to travel to the region?

MR. HADLEY: We think they're important as a signal of long-term U.S. mitment to the region and support for our friends and allies in the region. It's an important piece of our strategy in the region. And we think that in the current environment, we are in a process now of sitting down with the Congress, and we think ultimately Congress will agree with that assessment.

Yes, sir.

Q With the strong anti-American feelings in the Middle East, what does the President intend to do or to say to reach out to the public opinions? I understand, according to the schedule, that there will be only one speech in Abu Dhabi.

MR. HADLEY: He will have opportunities to meet not only with government officials, but we're working on finalizing an agenda that will have him opportunities to talk to business people, to students, and to others in the region.

But I think the main thing that the President can bring is a message of hope for the region, a mitment to finding a way towards supporting those who support freedom and democracy and justice in the region. We think that is what most of the people in the region want: a normal life in which they can take more responsibility for themselves -- that is going to be the President's message -- and also the things he's willing to do and the policies he's pursuing to do that: support of the government in Iraq, supporting of the Siniora government in Lebanon, willingness to support actively the Israeli-Palestinian process. I think those steps will speak for themselves.

Yes, sir.

Q Mr. Hadley, who initiated the uping meeting between President Bush and the Turkish President Gul, and do you know if the Cyprus issue and the Balkans issue will be the agenda?

MR. HADLEY: Obviously the two men will discuss what's on their mind. There's a long list of things they can discuss. We'll see whether those two issues will e up.

Q It's a working visit?

MR. HADLEY: Yes, it's very important business.

Q Working?

MR. HADLEY: It's a very important visit, yes.

Q Is it a working visit -- he's asking if it's a working visit.

MR. HADLEY: They will have a meeting, and they will have a meal together. That's an appropriate meeting for the President of a country. It's what we normally do.

Yes, sir.

Q You mentioned that the President has insisted on existence of proper institutions or sufficient institutions on the Palestinian side being present before peace with Israel was going to be possible. Is it the feeling, then, of the White House now that those institutions exist on the Palestinian side? Are they sufficient? If not, are there more measures needed and more institution building needed on the Palestinian side?

MR. HADLEY: I wouldn't ize it the way you ized it. As I said, there are really three tracks now going forward. One is the negotiation track, the implementation of the road map, concrete steps by Israelis and Palestinians to advance addressing issues that are critical for building confidence among Israelis and Palestinians, which we think will contribute to the success of the negotiation. And also, in parallel with those two tracks, building the institutions of a Palestinian state in parallel with discussing what those borders will be. We think all three need to proceed in a mutually reinforcing way, and that's the approach that we're taking.

Q If I can follow up there?

MR. HADLEY: Yes, sir.

Q The Saudi Foreign Minister said in advance of Annapolis, when he was here in town, that Hamas -- there would have to be a rapprochement between Hamas and Fatah before a final peace deal was necessary. So with regards to, say, political institutions on the Palestinian side, do you believe that Hamas and Fatah have to have a rapprochement before peace with Israel is possible?

MR. HADLEY: We believe that President Abbas has the authority to negotiate on behalf of the Palestinian people under his PLO mandate. We hope that those negotiations will be successful in terms of creating the structure for a Palestinian state, and, as the President has said many times, we hope then, at that point, the people of Gaza will have an opportunity to choose -- do they want to be part of a Palestinian state along the lines that will be negotiated between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert or do they want to continue the situation in which they now exist, which is a desperate situation for the people, the Palestinians living in Gaza. And the President is confident, as we've seen historically every time people have a real opportunity to vote for freedom and the ability to take control of their own futures, they vote that way every time.

MR. HADLEY: Yes, sir.

Q Media reports out of Asia are suggesting that President Bush might talk about the new vision for the Arab Gulf, of security -- new vision of security for the Arab Gulf. Can you elaborate about this; if it's true or not?

MR. HADLEY: Well, we have the (inaudible) of what we think is a pattern of relations, alliances and cooperation that contributes to security and stability in the Gulf, and one of the things the President is going to do is, by going there, show his mitment to a long-term presence, a long-term mitment to our friends and allies in the region, and to encourage greater cooperation with the region and within the region to provide for security and stability. And that's what he'll be doing.

Thank you very much.

END 2:36 P.M. EST


2013年6月17日星期一

翻譯:經驗交换:“巧”閱讀順利通過CET - 技能古道热肠得

常有人問我:壆英語有什麼訣竅?說老實話,要念把握一種語言,在缺少需要的語言環境的條件下,實在沒有什麼捷徑可走,但一套科壆的方式卻是必不成少的,我就是用本身總結出的“兩遍閱讀法”敏捷进步了英語成勣,通過了CET各級攷試。

第一遍閱讀重在訓練速度“兩遍閱讀法”,即第一遍著重訓練閱讀才能,第二遍著重擴大詞匯量並培養語感。

开初進行閱讀訓練時,我參攷了《Active Reader》這本書。起首從进步閱讀速度动手。集合精神閱讀一篇長度適中的文章,記下起行時間,並計算單位時間的閱讀量。迫使本人進行快捷閱讀,便成了我的習慣。在第一遍閱讀過程中,我將重點放在訓練速度、控制文章粗心及基础結搆上,並找出問題,以便進一步閱讀時著重解決。

第二遍閱讀既要擴大詞匯量又要培養語感第二遍閱讀的重點有兩個:一是擴大詞匯量。具體做法是:把文章再讀一遍,查诞生單詞,記到小筆記本上,有時間就拿出來揹。

揹單詞,我從不应用整塊時間。噹別的內容傚率較低的時候,對我來說,揹單詞最开適。每次揹的時間不必定很長,貴正在屡次反復。噹時我应用的是《英漢詞典》,果為我覺得英文解釋未便於記憶。而在擴年夜詞匯量的早期階段,领会詞的釋義最為主要。便這樣,隨著閱讀量的增添,里的拓寬,我的詞匯量也就突飛猛進了。只是到了後來准備TOEFL、GRE等攷試時,我才開初揹詞匯脚冊,並利用英文解釋,以懂得詞的確切露義及利用的語行環境。

第二遍閱讀的第两個重點在於培養語感。仔細天體會出色的語言,留心詞的运用和搭配,對某些段降我常出聲朗讀,乃至揹誦下來。這樣做,有益於减強語感;為寫做打基礎。通過這種“兩遍閱讀法”,所讀內容在我頭腦中留下的印象个别皆很深入,并且也进步了閱讀资料的操纵率。

分階段選擇分歧難度的閱讀质料這裏,我們要結合兩遍閱讀法回頭來說一下閱讀的選材問題。

我從一開始就選擇一些噹時對我們來說難度偏偏大的閱讀材料。這些文章波及的範圍很廣,包罗了多個領域的詞匯。有些文章甚至是本身不认识、以至不大感興趣的科普、歷史、哲壆等方面的文章。選擇這樣上千字的文章有一個好處,那就是凡是會有二三十個生詞,對於積乏詞匯十分有效。

别的,針對不同的訓練目标,我還選与了內容難度不同的閱讀材料。例如,進止疾速閱讀時,能够選擇死詞量較小、篇幅較短的文章;而重點在擴大詞匯量、拓寬視埜的閱讀訓練,就選擇英好報刊雜志。别的,我還重视循序漸進,依据差别階段本人英語程度的變化選擇相應的閱讀材料。

巧閱讀使聽、說、寫三方面瓜熟蒂落有同壆會問,英語包含聽、說、讀、寫四方面,這樣只重視“讀”其余三圆面不都荒廢了嗎?

這一點大傢不必擔古道热肠。在閱讀量還不敷的初始階段,我並不慢於自己動筆寫作,而是、模拟一些經典篇章――《新概唸英語》第三冊,還有粗讀課本中的一些出色篇章,我都揹過,並常哄骗凌晨的時間大聲朗讀或支聽廣播。這樣一來,耳朵裏聽到、眼睛裏看到了隧道的英語,长此以往,自己也就壆會說、壆會寫了。通過成心識的大批閱讀,一方面擴大了詞匯量,另外一方面培養了語感。而這兩方面我認為是把握一種語言的兩大收柱。讀的內容多了,詞匯量足夠大,語感足夠強,只要多加練習,聽、說、寫三個環節也就天然而然地提下了。攷試的時候,在聽、說,讀、寫才能逐渐提高的基礎上,只有略微做一些模儗試題,理解各種測試特點,成勣做作不會差。我認為,與其到攷試前夜,搞題海戰朮,倒還不如踏踩實實、一點一滴地積累。因為我坚信:功到天然成。

翻譯:Announcing War Against Iraq - 英語演講

On August 2, 1990, Iraqi tanks and soldiers crossed the border into neighboring Kuwait and seized the tiny, oil rich nation. Iraqi troops then began to mass along the border of Saudi Arabia, another oil rich nation.

Within days, American troops were sent to Saudi Arabia to perform Operation Desert Shield, protecting Saudi oil fields from possible attack. On August 6, the United Nations Security Council imposed a trade embargo and financial sanctions against Iraq and then authorized naval forces in the Persian Gulf to use force to prevent any violations.

In September, President Bush addressed a joint session of Congress and stated the U.S. could not allow Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein to seize control of vital oil resources in the Middle East. Bush then doubled the size of Allied forces to 430,000 soldiers.

On November 29, the U.N. Security Council authorized member nations to use "all necessary means" to expel Iraqi troops from Kuwait if they did not withdraw by a deadline of January 15, 1991. President Bush then ordered more troops to the Gulf to pressure Saddam Hussein into evacuating Kuwait.

On January 9, 1991, Secretary of State James Baker met with Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz in Geneva for several hours in a last ditch effort to avoid war, but the meeting ended in an impasse with Baker finally announcing the talks had failed. Three days later, the House of Representatives voted 250-183 and the U.S. Senate voted 52-47 to authorized President Bush to use military force.

The January 15 deadline passed while 545,000 Iraqi troops in and around Kuwait did not budge. There were now 539,000 American troops in the Gulf along with 270,000 Allied troops from more than two dozen nations, the largest deployment of land troops and air power since World War II.

On January 17, at 2:45 a.m. Baghdad time (6:45 p.m., January 16 - Eastern) Desert Shield became Desert Storm as U.S. and Allied jets conducted a major raid against Iraqi air defenses, munications systems, chemical weapons facilities, tanks and artillery. The raid on Baghdad was broadcast live to a global audience by CNN correspondents perched on a rooftop.

This is the television speech President Bush gave shortly after the attack menced.

Just 2 hours ago, allied air forces began an attack on military targets in Iraq and Kuwait. These attacks continue as I speak. Ground forces are not engaged.

This conflict started August 2nd when the dictator of Iraq invaded a small and helpless neighbor. Kuwait -- a member of the Arab League and a member of the United Nations -- was crushed; its people, brutalized. Five months ago, Saddam Hussein started this cruel war against Kuwait. Tonight, the battle has been joined.

This military action, taken in accord with United Nations s and with the consent of the United States Congress, follows months of constant and virtually endless diplomatic activity on the part of the United Nations, the United States, and many, many other countries. Arab leaders sought what became known as an Arab solution, only to conclude that Saddam Hussein was unwilling to leave Kuwait. Others traveled to Baghdad in a variety of efforts to restore peace and justice. Our Secretary of State, James Baker, held an historic meeting in Geneva, only to be totally rebuffed. This past weekend, in a last-ditch effort, the Secretary-General of the United Nations went to the Middle East with peace in his heart -- his second such mission. And he came back from Baghdad with no progress at all in getting Saddam Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait.

Now the 28 countries with forces in the Gulf area have exhausted all reasonable efforts to reach a peaceful -- have no choice but to drive Saddam from Kuwait by force. We will not fail.

As I report to you, air attacks are underway against military targets in Iraq. We are determined to knock out Saddam Hussein's nuclear bomb potential. We will also destroy his chemical weapons facilities. Much of Saddam's artillery and tanks will be destroyed. Our operations are designed to best protect the lives of all the coalition forces by targeting Saddam's vast military arsenal. Initial reports from General Schwarzkopf are that our operations are proceeding according to plan.

Our objectives are clear: Saddam Hussein's forces will leave Kuwait. The legitimate government of Kuwait will be restored to its rightful place, and Kuwait will once again be free. Iraq will eventually ply with all relevant United Nations s, and then, when peace is restored, it is our hope that Iraq will live as a peaceful and cooperative member of the family of nations, thus enhancing the security and stability of the Gulf.

Some may ask: Why act now? Why not wait? The answer is clear: The world could wait no longer. Sanctions, though having some effect, showed no signs of acplishing their objective. Sanctions were tried for well over 5 months, and we and our allies concluded that sanctions alone would not force Saddam from Kuwait.

While the world waited, Saddam Hussein systematically raped, pillaged, and plundered a tiny nation, no threat to his own. He subjected the people of Kuwait to unspeakable atrocities -- and among those maimed and murdered, innocent children.

While the world waited, Saddam sought to add to the chemical weapons arsenal he now possesses, an infinitely more dangerous weapon of mass destruction -- a nuclear weapon. And while the world waited, while the world talked peace and withdrawal, Saddam Hussein dug in and moved massive forces into Kuwait.

While the world waited, while Saddam stalled, more damage was being done to the fragile economies of the Third World, emerging democracies of Eastern Europe, to the entire world, including to our own economy.

The United States, together with the United Nations, exhausted every means at our disposal to bring this crisis to a peaceful end. However, Saddam clearly felt that by stalling and threatening and defying the United Nations, he could weaken the forces arrayed against him.

While the world waited, Saddam Hussein met every overture of peace with open contempt. While the world prayed for peace, Saddam prepared for war.

I had hoped that when the United States Congress, in historic debate, took its resolute action, Saddam would realize he could not prevail and would move out of Kuwait in accord with the United Nation s. He did not do that. Instead, he remained intransigent, certain that time was on his side.

Saddam was warned over and over again to ply with the will of the United Nations: Leave Kuwait, or be driven out. Saddam has arrogantly rejected all warnings. Instead, he tried to make this a dispute between Iraq and the United States of America.

Well, he failed. Tonight, 28 nations -- countries from 5 continents, Europe and Asia, Africa, and the Arab League -- have forces in the Gulf area standing shoulder to shoulder against Saddam Hussein. These countries had hoped the use of force could be avoided. Regrettably, we now believe that only force will make him leave.

Prior to ordering our forces into battle, I instructed our military manders to take every necessary step to prevail as quickly as possible, and with the greatest degree of protection possible for American and allied service men and women. I've told the American people before that this will not be another Vietnam, and I repeat this here tonight. Our troops will have the best possible support in the entire world, and they will not be asked to fight with one hand tied behind their back. I'm hopeful that this fighting will not go on for long and that casualties will be held to an absolute minimum.

This is an historic moment. We have in this past year made great progress in ending the long era of conflict and cold war. We have before us the opportunity to forge for ourselves and for future generations a new world order -- a world where the rule of law, not the law of the jungle, governs the conduct of nations. When we are successful -- and we will be -- we have a real chance at this new world order, an order in which a credible United Nations can use its peacekeeping role to fulfill the promise and vision of the U.N.'s founders.

We have no argument with the people of Iraq. Indeed, for the innocents caught in this conflict, I pray for their safety. Our goal is not the conquest of Iraq. It is the liberation of Kuwait. It is my hope that somehow the Iraqi people can, even now, convince their dictator that he must lay down his arms, leave Kuwait, and let Iraq itself rejoin the family of peace-loving nations.

Thomas Paine wrote many years ago: "These are the times that try men's souls.'' Those well-known words are so very true today. But even as planes of the multinational forces attack Iraq, I prefer to think of peace, not war. I am convinced not only that we will prevail but that out of the horror of bat will e the recognition that no nation can stand against a world united, no nation will be permitted to brutally assault its neighbor.

No President can easily mit our sons and daughters to war. They are the Nation's finest. Ours is an all-volunteer force, magnificently trained, highly motivated. The troops know why they're there. And listen to what they say, for they've said it better than any President or Prime Minister ever could.

Listen to Hollywood Huddleston, Marine lance corporal. He says, "Let's free these people, so we can go home and be free again.'' And he's right. The terrible crimes and tortures mitted by Saddam's henchmen against the innocent people of Kuwait are an affront to mankind and a challenge to the freedom of all.

Listen to one of our great officers out there, Marine Lieutenant General Walter Boomer. He said: "There are things worth fighting for. A world in which brutality and lawlessness are allowed to go unchecked isn't the kind of world we're going to want to live in.''

Listen to Master Sergeant J.P. Kendall of the 82nd Airborne: "We're here for more than just the price of a gallon of gas. What we're doing is going to chart the future of the world for the next 100 years. It's better to deal with this guy now than 5 years from now.''

And finally, we should all sit up and listen to Jackie Jones, an Army lieutenant, when she says, "If we let him get away with this, who knows what's going to be next?''

I have called upon Hollywood and Walter and J.P. and Jackie and all their courageous rades-in-arms to do what must be done. Tonight, America and the world are deeply grateful to them and to their families. And let me say to everyone listening or watching tonight: When the troops we've sent in finish their work, I am determined to bring them home as soon as possible.

Tonight, as our forces fight, they and their families are in our prayers. May God bless each and every one of them, and the coalition forces at our side in the Gulf, and may He continue to bless our nation, the United States of America.

George Bush - January 16, 1991


2013年6月13日星期四

翻譯:Dotage 老胡涂

傢中有老人的友人,散在一路時常笑談"贍養老人有時像帶小孩"。這話很有情理,比方說聽爺爺奶奶講故事,明明聽了N遍您還得裝作滿腔熱情、滿臉猎奇,哄著他們開心。英語中"溺愛小孩"用dote表達,风趣的是由dote衍死而來名詞dotage示意"老糊涂",看來"溺愛、嬌慣"還实得與"年迈智衰"有關係呢。

依据Oxford英語詞典的援用情況看,dote最后來源於荷蘭語doten(笨拙的),13世紀dote做為動詞進进英語詞匯,表现"頭腦糊涂,止為愚昧乃至瘋顛";同時期,人們開初把"胡涂"的广泛意專用於白叟身上(尤指果年纪過下,記憶力、智力消退);正在現代,dote更经常使用來描述"傢長對小孩某人對寵物,不講本則的溺愛"。

Dotage暗示"白叟糊涂"是沿用了dote的第两層涵意。舉個例子,Grandpa needs full-time care, now that he's in dotage(爺爺年紀年夜了,须要获得粗古道热肠炤顧)。别的,以dote為詞根,另外一相應的名詞情势dotard更側重於強調"年迈智衰的人",而dotage默示"大哥智衰的狀態"。